Sententional Arguments and Event Structure

Zimmerling, A.

Автор: Zimmerling Anton
Журнал: Компьютерная лингвистика и интеллектуальные технологии (Computational Linguistics and Intellectual Technologies)
Том: 13
Номер: 20
Год издания: 2014
Издательство: Редколлегия сборника «Компьютерная лингвистика и интеллектуальные технологии»
Местоположение издательства: Москва
Аннотация: This paper is addressed the interaction of subject marking and event structure in languages, which allow sententional arguments in the subject position. In Russian and other Slavic languages sententional subjects sharea number of formal and semantic properties with zero subjects with roleand-reference features and with so called oblique subjects, i.e. subject-likearguments marked with an oblique case. I argue that sententional subjectsrepresented by bare that-clauses (Rus. čto-clauses) cannot have the rolesof Agent/Causer, while zero subjects can. I also argue that the capacityof taking to, čto P-clauses, i.e. that-clauses headed by a correlative pronounto serves as diagnostics for a number of verbal classes. Causative predicates like vynudit’, zastavit’, sklonitj k čemu-l. only take to, čto P- clauses,but not bare čto P-clauses as surface subjects. Factive predicates like znat’,razdražat’ etc. take to, čto P-clauses, but not bare čto P-clauses as surface subjects while non-factive predicates like dumat’, mereščit’sa onlytake bare čto P-clauses. Nominal predicatives forming Dative-Predicative-Structures (DPS) with an oblique subject marked with dative case andspecified as {+ animate; + referential} split into two groups. Russian DPSpredicatives from the stydno, dosadno, protivno, vse ravno group only takebare čto P-clauses and invariably behave as non-factive verbs in all contextswith an overt oblique subject. Russian DPS predicatives from the izvestno,neizvestno, stranno, bezrazlično group both take bare čto P-clauses andheaded to, čto P-clauses, i.e. can be used in factive contexts as well. Thatmeans that their sententional argument can both get the status of a facti.e. verified proposition P, logical truth, and an intentional situation, e.g.subjective evaluation of P, inner vision of P etc. Russian has two expletiveelements—eto and to, but their syntax is different. Eto behaves as surfacesubject of the matrix clause and alternates with oblique subjects and sententional arguments in the subject position while to cannot be separatedfrom the complement clause and reaches the subject position only in combination with the CP.Scopus eiD 2-s2.0-84904802981
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